These Budget numbers are really going to tax Key's sales technique
FIRST READING - BY VERNON SMALL
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OPINION: About now the Government is starting to strap down the numbers on its gruel-fuelled May 20 Budget.
Ask around the Beehive and the answer is always the same: nothing has been finalised and it would be premature to speculate on the precise tax cuts that will be part of the "tax switch" with higher GST and property taxes.
That may be true, but ministers must be perilously close to a final call, or they are going to miss the bus.
Based on last year's Budget, the economic forecasts, which drive the big fiscal numbers, will be finalised around April 10. The final fiscal forecasts are usually completed a couple of weeks later.
Finance Minister Bill English's core argument for the tax changes will be more altruistic than most voters' personal interest: that they are designed to improve the fundamentals and incentives in the economy by boosting savings, exports and business investment while reducing consumption, borrowing, government spending and investment in property.
His first problem has been selling the rise in GST from 12.5 per cent to 15 per cent in the absence of a precise number of compensating dollars - a quid or two for the pro quo.
Labour has tried to make the most of that information vacuum with its "Axe the Tax" bus. It has completed its journey from somewhere up north to a long way down there, ending for those still on board with a liquid night around Dunedin's hostelries.
Its impact, beyond caucus headaches, is hard to judge. Labour's spinners report strong interest, but others in the party lament the lack of cut-through and connection even when leader Phil Goff is on board.
Meanwhile, the polls remain National's most devoted friend.
The Opposition has also been hobbled by its inability to promise definitively that it will cut GST if it wins power - though Mr Goff's comments about the difficulties of unscrambling an omelette suggests they will not be going back to the egg.
Labour may have achieved its primary aim of reconnecting with some core voters and hammering its new best "narrative" - that it is for the many (who will pay more GST) not the few (who are going to get the biggest tax cuts).
But it must know that only if the economy was booming and cash was flooding into the Government's coffers - or if pigs started gliding by - could Labour promise a cut to GST without the need for a politically unpalatable tax rise elsewhere to fund it.
National's next selling job, and a much more difficult one, will come once it releases its Budget tax tables. They will inevitably show big gains for top-income earners if, as expected, the top rate is slashed from 38 cents to 33c, and much smaller gains further down the food chain once the offsetting cost of GST is included.
So those on incomes up to $25,000 a year are likely to break about even, with the extra cost of GST balanced by a couple of cents off the two lower tax rates.
(Some marginal changes to the thresholds are also possible. Moving the 33 per cent threshold up from $48,000 to $50,000 seems tidy, but bigger movements are considered too expensive.)
Those between the minimum wage and the average wage, roughly $25,000 to $50,000, will receive only slightly more - maybe $10 to $20 a week - and those above that will show big gains: as much as $65 a week for those on six-figure salaries.
Of course, within a fiscally neutral package, this calculation, which shows everybody gains and no-one loses, amounts to political alchemy.
The missing link - and the missing coin - comes from the extra revenue generated from property investors, specifically from chopping depreciation on buildings.
The Treasury has found the Tax Working Group's assessment of up to $1.3 billion from that source is far too optimistic, but it could still deliver between $700 million and $1b.
The extra property tax will principally hit those earning over $70,000, who stand to benefit most from the cut in the top tax rate. The Government's modelling shows that this top group - after netting off GST, tax cuts and the impact of higher property taxes - will on average be slightly worse off.
But try telling that to the average punter, when the bald tax tables show wealthy earners pocketing upwards of $65 a week each.
* * *
John Key's sales technique will be tested to the limit. He had better hope he does a better job than Steven Joyce's hamfisted announcements about the SuperGold Card or, for that matter, his own claim this week that the review of mining on conservation land had been "expanded" a couple of weeks ago to include land outside schedule 4 - where mining is specifically banned with few exceptions.
That was plain wrong, and it is time he admitted it. The stocktake had always included the non-schedule 4 land.
The mining review was expected some weeks ago, but has joined reforms of the state sector and Whanau Ora and the stocktake of ACC on the slow burner.
They will not have the same high profile as the tax cut-tax rise package.
But some will need to be brought to book, come May 20, if the Government's promise of a step-change in the economy is to be something more than a tax package that looks like a handout to the better off.
- © Fairfax NZ News
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I am single and currently earn 56K a year - meaning a current tax liability of $11,530 p.a. and leaving $44,470 in my pocket. Were I to spend all this net balance, the GST payable (at 12.5%) would be $5558.75. After income and goods and services tax, this would leave me with $38,911.25 spending power or 69.5% of my gross. Using the DomPost's figures combined with the SST's March 14 conjecture the May budget will lower the tax rate for those earning up to $14,000 from 12.5% to 10%; and for those earning between $14,000 to $48,000 from 21% to 19%, I calculate the implications for a single income earner who spends all their income and is ineligible for Working for Families assistance are adverse. My income tax would be $10,500 p.a., leaving me with $45,500 in my pocket. Were I to spend all this balance, the GST payable (at 15%) would be $6825. So after income and goods and services tax, this would leave me with $38,675, or 69.1% of my gross. So under the proposed scenario, I would be $236.25 p.a. or 0.4% worse off, or with a reduced spending power of $4.54 per week. I assume similar results would occur for anyone earning between 48k-70k if the 33% rate for that interval was, as reported, unchanged. If I was to save, rather than spend, more of my net income, I would still pay income tax on the interest, and GST when I ultimately spent the funds. So the proposed GST change may ultimately be more inflationary than the one off boost expected. It will also provide an opportunity for many providers of goods and services to include other increases, backed up by my conversations with several retailers who have had to respond to reduced spending by cutting margins and costs. It would also likely increase people’s investment in owner-occupied residential property, most likely by upgrading since this would become one of the few areas where GST would not be payable on accumulated savings. This trend is already evident in the housing market, where investor interest has waned pending clarity over proposed changes in the tax regimes. So the proposed GST increase may adversely affect home inflation and affordability, even if mooted tax changes on investment properties occur in May’s budget. It would also presumably increase black market and/or cash and/or barter activity. Another factor is other increases, such as ACC levies and motor vehicle registrations, eroding spending power. Given tax cuts are being promoted alongside spending reductions, there will also be a flow on effect on individuals' costs, e.g. increased doctors’ fees. It would seem, if assumptions around tax changes are sustained, that beneficiaries and those earning between $48k and $70k who are ineligible for Working for Families, are likely to be punished by a National-Act led government in order to reward higher grossing taxpayers.
Is not the Minister’s line "Finance Minister Bill English's core argument for the tax changes will be more altruistic than most voters' personal interest: that they are designed to improve the fundamentals and incentives in the economy by boosting savings, exports and business investment while reducing consumption, borrowing, government spending and investment in property." a little different to that of John Key, that no one will be personally worse off?
Of course one is trying to justify the economic rationale and the other sell it to the public, but the difference is deeper than that.
Those on the top rate will be significantly better off - only some have rental property and probably only a few have more than one rental property. Some of those on Super with a rental property will be significantly worse off and may choose to sell (which is good for homebuyers) up because of this. Also there are those in the $25-50,000 group who will lose all their net gains in higher rents.
I would venture that the amount of money it costs to cut the top rate to 33 cents leaves little money to actually deliver on the Minister’s policy - he cannot afford incentives to save and to invest in exports and business as well. They have chosen to cater to personal tax payer self-interest and yet they won't admit it.
The proper economic management course when raising consumption taxes, to make a structural change in the economy, is to increase incentives to save (cut tax on the CPI component of interest income by only taxing half the interest income for such as deposits and corporate bonds) and to promote business investment with actual incentives to do so. R and D tax incentives will improve the financial position of businesses and, best of all, there is finding a way to get finance to the small business (they cannot get finance beyond the value of their homes) - via some form of small business loan insurance (financed by a levy on banks lending to homeowners?).
A FTT would finance the cut in tax in saving and more besides - and it could also reduce upward pressure on our currency (which occurs when big fund players move a little money for a short time knowing they can take move our little economy currency up and take a little profit before re-investing the money in a new place). Hopefully they will protest our FTT by exploiting some other little economy currency instead. But I wonder if anyone else will take it for as long as we have?
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If J Key and the nats used the ivisable cloak and put it over the buget then we wont conplain about as we will not see watts in the dam thing but better still put it over there heads that way they will brain less like so of the laws they pass.